Americans see a number of economic threats from China, but they are also worried about cyberattacks, Bejing's human rights record, China's impact on the environment and its growing military strength.
Despite historical and territorial frictions, people in Asia-Pacific countries tend to view their neighbors in a positive light. But they express limited confidence in the region's most prominent national leaders.
Three years after being elected president, Mexico's Enrique Peña Nieto is increasingly unpopular, and his ratings on specific issues, such as education, corruption and fighting drugs and crime, have dropped sharply.
A worrying percentage of European publics don’t want to honor the fundamental tenet of the Atlantic alliance.
Outside its own borders, neither Russia nor its president, Vladimir Putin, receives much respect or support, with a median of only 30% across 39 nations surveyed seeing Russia favorably.
As the 70th anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima and the Japanese surrender ending World War II approaches the publics of former enemy nations have unresolved views of their country’s involvement in the largest military conflict in history.
Seven years after the beginning of the global financial crisis, a Pew Research Center survey of 40 nations finds that publics in fewer than half the countries have a positive view of their economy.
While Latin Americans approve of the U.S. re-establishing diplomatic relations with Cuba, they hold mixed views on Cuba overall and have little confidence in Raul Castro.
As the Islamic militant group ISIS continues to entrench itself in Syria and Iraq, concerns about Islamic extremism are growing in the West and in countries with significant Muslim populations.
In the October 2011 edition of the journal Foreign Policy, then-U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton wrote that the U.S. planned to pivot to Asia.
People in many countries around the world, particularly in Latin America and Africa, list climate change as a top worry. Americans, Europeans and Middle Easterners, however, most frequently cite ISIS as their top threat.
The first decade of this century witnessed an historic reduction in global poverty and a near doubling of the number of people who could be considered middle income. But the emergence of a truly global middle class is still far from fruition.
Ratings for the U.S. remain mostly positive, with a global median of 69% expressing a favorable view. Countries also express broad support for America's military efforts against ISIS, but are critical of the U.S. government's use of torture after 9/11.
Majorities or pluralities in 31 of 40 countries surveyed hold an unfavorable opinion of the Islamic Republic. And in several Muslim-majority countries in the Middle East and Asia, ratings have declined considerably in recent years.
Publics of key NATO member nations blame Russia for the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, but few support sending arms to Ukraine. And half of Russians see NATO as a military threat, while Ukrainians favor joining NATO.
This presentation examines public opinion in six European Union countries: France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom.
In the wake of the euro currency crisis, public support for the EU and the belief that European economic integration was good for one’s country had declined precipitously across Europe, reaching a low point in 2013. But in 2015, favorable views of the EU and faith in the efficacy of creating a single market are generally rebounding in major EU member states.
As Washington debates “fast track” trade negotiating authority, politicians are out of sync with a turn in public sentiment.
Germany and the United States, adversaries in WWII, allies during and after the Cold War, are now the two pillars of the transatlantic alliance.
Ongoing Russian intervention in Ukraine has been met with U.S. and European economic sanctions against Moscow.
This presentation examines American and German attitudes toward each other and their respective geopolitical roles. This report is based on telephone surveys in the United States and Germany. In the U.S., interviews were conducted February 26 to March 1, 2015 among a national sample of 1,003 persons, 18 years of age or older. In Germany, […]
Seven decades after the end of World War II and a quarter-century after the end of the Cold War, roughly seven-in-ten Americans see Germany as a reliable ally, and about six-in-ten Germans trust the United States, according to a Pew Research Center survey.
This presentation of findings from a survey conducted in the U.S. and Japan examines American and Japanese attitudes toward each other and their allies 70 years after the end of World War II.
This is a pivotal year in U.S.-Japan relations. As the two nations mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II in August, it is a moment for both the American and Japanese publics to reflect on the past — but also to take the temperature of the current bilateral relationship and to consider its future.
In a few short years, the proliferation of mobile phone networks has transformed communications in sub-Saharan Africa. It has also allowed Africans to skip the landline stage of development and jump right to the digital age.
Adversaries in World War II, fierce economic competitors in the 1980s and early 1990s, Americans and Japanese nonetheless share a deep mutual respect.
Having benefited from globalisation and increasing opportunities, citizens in emerging nations have new aspirations, new demands for their leaders and new resources at their disposal.
As more people around the world gain access to all the tools of the digital age, the internet will play a greater role in everyday life. And so far, people in emerging and developing nations say that the increasing use of the internet has been a good influence in the realms of education, personal relationships and the economy.
To paraphrase Leo Tolstoy, all unhappy people are unhappy in their own way. And their unhappiness does not necessarily mean they have the will or the wherewithal to pursue regime change. But there’s a worrying trend that threatens to roil nations on the brink of instability.
The future belongs to the young. This is especially evident in parts of Asia. How young Asians see the world, their own futures and those of their countries often differs from the attitudes of their elders. Their differing views may go a long way toward determining their fate, that of their nations and of Asia.