Democrats maintain a wide, but diminished, advantage among Hispanic registered voters, 54% of whom say a candidate’s position on immigration is not a deal-breaker in determining their vote.
A record 25.2 million Latinos are eligible to vote in the 2014 midterms, or 11% of eligible voters nationwide. But in many states with close races this year, Latinos make up a smaller share of eligible voters.
The number of unauthorized immigrants living in the U.S. has stabilized since the end of the Great Recession in 2009. Those who remain are more likely to be long-term residents, and to live with their U.S.-born children.
Puerto Ricans have left the financially troubled island for the U.S. mainland this decade in their largest numbers since the Great Migration after World War II, citing job-related reasons above all others.
For the first time in nearly two decades, immigrants do not account for the majority of Hispanic workers in the United States. And most of the job gains made by Hispanics during the economic recovery have gone to U.S.-born workers.
Since 2000, the U.S.-born Latino population has grown at a faster rate than the immigrant population. As a result, the foreign-born share of Latinos is now in decline.
Between 1992 and 2012, the number of offenders sentenced in federal courts more than doubled, driven largely by a 28-fold increase in the number of unlawful reentry convictions.
While Hispanics and Asian Americans overwhelmingly approve of creating a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants, they also say relief from the threat of deportation is more important.
Migrants’ remittances to Mexico, an estimated $22 billion in 2013, are below their 2006 peak. For all other Spanish-speaking Latin American nations, the 2013 estimate of $31.8 billion slightly surpasses the 2008 peak.
Three-quarters of Latinos living in the U.S. say that their community needs a national leader, but about the same share either cannot name one or don’t believe one exists.