The Great Recession created some clear winners and losers. Advanced economies’ growth rates tanked after 2007, while many emerging and developing markets’ economies continued to soar. This divergence in fortunes has had a major impact on whether people in these countries are satisfied with their lives today and optimistic about the years ahead.
Here are five takeaways from a new Pew Research Center report from its 43-nation survey on life satisfaction around the world.
1 On average, richer countries are happier, but only up to a point. As GDP per capita increases in a country, so does the percentage of people who rate their life at seven or higher on a ladder where 0 represents the worst possible life and 10 represents the best possible life. But, among richer nations, the increase in happiness due to higher incomes tends to taper off. For example, a majority of Malaysians (56%) rate their life at seven or higher, considerably more than the much poorer Bangladeshis (34%). However, Germans (60%) – who are far richer than Malaysians – are only somewhat more satisfied with their current life situation.
Our recent report, Political Polarization and Media Habits, finds that trust and distrust in the news media varies greatly by political ideology. Many readers asked us: Among the 36 news organizations we asked about, which one do Americans trust most? The answer is more complex than it may seem and can be measured in a number of different ways. Here’s a breakdown:
1The full population picture doesn’t tell the whole story. If you look simply at the total percentage of online adults who say they trust a news organization for news about government and politics, several mainstream television outlets rise to the top. CNN, ABC, NBC, CBS and Fox News are all trusted by more than four-in-ten web-using U.S. adults. These high numbers, though, are intertwined with the fact that more than nine-in-ten respondents have heard of these five news sources. Trust and distrust were only asked of sources respondents had heard of, thus, the better known a source is, the more Americans in total who can voice trust or distrust of that source. A source like The Economist, on the other hand, is known by just 34% of respondents and so could never have a trust level exceeding 34% — even if everyone who had heard of it trusted it. Read More →
Last week, Pew Research Center released its first in-depth study of online harassment among American adults, which examined the prevalence of harassment online, its various forms, where it occurs, and how people respond. The topic has received a good deal of attention over the past year, first from journalists documenting their experiences with hostility online, then to the aftermath of hacked celebrity photos, and most recently the controversy surrounding #Gamergate. Read More →
With Election Day fast approaching, Americans are feeling somewhat better this year about the national economy than they were the past two election cycles — a sentiment borne out by improvements in several key indicators. But by many other measures, their collective mood hasn’t really improved. Read More →
One of the most important factors in the results of 2014 pre-election polls being released almost daily at this stage in the cycle is determining the answers to two questions: How many Americans are likely to vote, and which voters in the survey are the likely voters? Important as this is, there is almost no consensus among the pollsters as to how to identify each of these groups.
The least sophisticated polls derive their likely voters by asking respondents if they are registered, and if so, do they plan to vote. The more rigorous surveys ask their registered voters a series of questions: Will you vote, are you certain, have you voted in the past, are you interested in the campaign, where do you go to vote, or do you vote by mail, and so on. Respondents are scored based on these questions to derive a likely voter group based upon cumulative answers to the “turnout” questions. Read More →
The narrow re-election Sunday of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff maintained the recent record of South American nations when it comes to returning presidential incumbents to office.
Indeed, in recent decades, no incumbents from the 10 Latin American countries on the continent have lost bids for re-election. If Latin countries in Central America and the Caribbean are included, only two incumbent presidents have lost recent re-election bids: Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega in 1990 and the Dominican Republic’s Hipólito Mejía in 2004.
Since 1980, incumbents in South America (not including Guyana, Suriname and French Guiana) have won all 17 presidential elections in which they were on the ballot. During the same period, four American presidents (Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama) won re-election and two (Jimmy Carter and George H.W. Bush) were defeated. Read More →
Americans and Europeans both have been dealing with disappointing recoveries for a while, but their attitudes, like their economies, now are moving in different directions. U.S. consumers’ expectations have risen over the past few months, after being more or less flat since late 2012. But European attitudes, which had grown steadily more optimistic since mid-2013, reversed this summer — perhaps a reflection of dimming prospects for the European economy.
These disparities are potentially significant since, after all, the U.S. and European economies don’t operate on separate planets. Indeed, some economists worry that overseas weakness could derail the five-year economic expansion in the U.S. As Wells Fargo senior economist Eugenio Aleman told The Wall Street Journal: “The U.S. for now is growing on its own, but it cannot grow on its own in the medium to long term. We will need some help from the rest of the world.”
Topics: World Economies
But a new Pew Research Center report on political polarization and media habits finds that a significant number of web-using adults get at least some of their news about government and politics from sources that they distrust – a concept that may seem puzzling.
Nearly two-in-ten (19%) respondents from our survey said they get news from a source (be it a cable news network, a news magazine or a news website) that they distrust. This figure, though, is more pronounced among conservatives. About a quarter of both those with consistently conservative (26%) and mostly conservative (25%) political views consume at least one source that they distrust, compared with just 14% of those with consistently liberal political views and 16% of those with mostly liberal views. Still, most respondents (78%) get news only from outlets they trust or ones they neither trust nor distrust. (Ideological consistency in this analysis is based on responses to 10 questions about a range of political values.) Read More →
Whether it’s to cover up a scandal or score a business contract, acts of bribery are common throughout the world.
We recently asked people in 44 countries how important certain attributes are for getting ahead in life (with 0 meaning “not important at all” and 10 meaning “very important”). While “giving bribes” ranks at the bottom compared with other factors (“having a good education” tops the list), several countries stand out for their scores when it comes to greasing the palm.
The countries where people are most likely to say bribes are important are China (with a 5.5 average rating on the 10-point scale), Jordan (5.0) and Russia (4.5); and those least likely to do so are Brazil (0.8), El Salvador (1.4) and Colombia (1.5). (The U.S. is near the low end of the scale with a 2.5 rating.) Read More →
Who will turn out to vote in November? A look at likely voters through the lens of the Political Typology
Earlier this year, we released our 6th political typology, which sorts American voters into eight distinct groups based on questions we ask the public about their shared values. Now that the midterm elections are nearly here, we were curious: How will these typology groups vote on Nov. 4 – or will they vote at all?
Our analysis found that three of the eight groups are far more likely to show up to vote than the rest. These groups are also those who are the most ideological, highly politically engaged and overwhelmingly partisan – two groups are on the right and one on the left.